Debate with Reservations

Heading to Montana tomorrow to begin a new program in partnership with another university to bring debate programs and debating culture to the colleges on Native American reservations. So-called tribal colleges are routinely forgotten in the national conversation about the University, the college, their purpose and mission, and the importance of education that is like debating, that fits into the fantasy of the active student interrogating issues on their own and preparing dynamic, inclusive, and responsive texts for the surveillance and pleasure of the professor/examiner-as-audience. The neoliberal rhetoric is even more vile, citing debate as a set of “portable skills” which can be applied to any non-descript employment situation, allowing debate to serve as part of both deskilled and temporary workforce, allowing debate to serve whatever sort of labor demand the future will make. 


I wonder exactly why and what we are doing in this new venture. I am going in my preferred way, nearly totally blind as to the conditions, history, and situation of the colleges we’ll be visiting. This way I can hear the passionate and interested articulations of the reality of the colleges from the students when I arrive. This gives me an opportunity as well to build some trust, as my acceptance of their articulated reality builds some nice bridges. I am very curious to hear the interpretation of what they have and what they see debate doing to improve their college experience.

On top of that, I wonder what I want debate education, or the development of a debate program to be. Currently I am thinking of a debate program or debate culture in Burkean terms, as a “debate attitude” which would serve as a curative to debunking, one that favors non-totalizing rejection in arguments and the end of a debate as a beginning of a larger inquiry. Maybe this is too limiting. I was asked what I hope the students teaching with me get out of it. I replied, “A life changing moment.” This is hard to define. I suppose I would say I hope that it becomes a place for intellectual reinvigoration, a place to return (quite literally a topos) in their mind and memories that can be used for innovation, testing, creative reflection, or any number of other imaginative tasks that rhetoricians and rhetors are called upon to perform as they do their intellectual wandering. I also added, “at a minimum.” I don’t feel I should be constrained by predictable outcomes here. Why should my desire to take pleasure as a teacher at a “job well done” overtake the generative possibilities of the encounters we are about to have? The limits placed by the instructor in terms of expectation come with limits that will be subtly policed through action, word, and gesture. I need to abandon any sort of “ultimate” or “maximum” outcome here in order to open the possibility for something greater than I could imagine.

The encounter will generate a lot of the productive material for teaching as well as the opportunities to do so. My plan is for there to be a lot of debates, as shared texts for our conversations. The shared experience of a debate is like having read the same books and materials to use as an anchor point.

I suppose that the entire purpose, goals, and outcomes of this project will be dependent on what we find in the encounter. More to come. My preparation for now is to try to avoid the comfortable, predictable tropes that orbit tightly around the idea “Building a debate program at a tribal college.” Treating it in terms of the familiar, the expected, the easily measurable is to limit it, to secure it in the realm-of-the-known, and to limit debate knowledge to that which serves other ideologies, namely the ideology of a career and work that is designed to enrich the wealthy at the expense of the joyful and frequent exercise of the imagination, primed with the raw material of the encounter with the text and the invitation to participate in its construction.  

Reality and its Apprehension

I wish I had more reading time. Time built into the system and schedule that was reserved for reading is what I mean. Of course I can make that time happen at the expense of other important things: administrative duties (debate), chatting with students, course prep, writing for the purpose of non-blog publication – all of which occupy a place of equal merit (except perhaps the last one where one labors most intensely to reach an audience of maybe 14 people in an academic journal).  

Reading’s importance has gained a lot more value in the current global political climate as most things you read work to create important political space for crafting resistance – the distance between reality and its certain articulation must always be kept high in order to avoid the mistakes that certainty brings with it. At the level of national or international politics these mistakes can be catastrophic.  

The articulation of reality receives its most thorough study in novels and these books that I don’t know what they are called, but I really like them, where an author carefully and diligently traces out in detail everything that surrounds a poem, a set of letters, a painting – something like that and connects the text to the context in the most complex and myriad ways, until it’s nearly impossible to see the subject matter as anything other than arising out of a multiplicity of various things, one next to another, all in vacillating states of importance but none expendable.  

The novel too works wonders by placing you in deep sympathy with one or two other people then giving you their point of view and allowing you to get it. You see why they decide what they decide and how their articulation of reality works. The novel allows us to put these articulations of reality next to one another, or even do mash ups and place an articulation in the position of a character that seems counterintuitive. Mikhail Bahktin talks about all of these features across his works, claiming the novel is an amazing thing due to the heteroglossia it allows to bubble up to the top. We get to see how disconnected and well connected our articulations of reality are to reality. This creates space where there might not be much. 

But today we value and talk to one another and teach and critique those who open such spaces, preferring instead the dominating discourses of logic, reason, and pseudo-rhetorics like statistics and economics. We praise those who can reduce our understanding of the world to numbers and percentages, who can aptly use metaphors from sports-as-entertainment to wipe away the muddiness of daily experience and make us feel comfortable. But we go to sleep on a hard slab that doesn’t quite give us the rest we need. We need some sort of space some give to our articulations so that we can create, be generative, and explore new ways of talking about the world. These new ways of articulating create new ways of being and seeing one another, after all what are we if we are not described well, and often, and in a way that accounts for the passing of the days? 

Reality and its articulation should be on everyone’s mind. Instead reality and getting it right is on everyone’s mind and we are ready to welcome catastrophe into our homes in order to get it right. If we can place getting it right as a long term goal and accept the idea of getting it, walking around in it, that would be great. Can we move political conversation out of the science lab and into the art museum? We need time to walk around, read the curators’ notes, stand in different places and look at what’s on the wall. Then we need time for a coffee and a friend to say “did you see what I saw?” We don’t get that in the science lab, even if the Good Liberals win the fight and prove to us that our lab is indeed in the basement of an evil pharmaceutical corporation.  The goal is not understanding, but being right in a way that has value for exchange; commodity rightness. Right as commodity.  

The importance of disrupting the ability to be right at all is essential for politics. We should lament politics as a space vastly different from corporate science or other discourses about discovering hidden rightness and then profiting off of it. Nobody should profit off of a good political conversation, we should all be left less willing to full-on defend a policy than we were at the beginning. Best of all abandoning rightness means that some policies never make it into the realm of consideration as policies simply because they are too firm.   

Reading frequently and reflecting on how and why the books we like are so good is simultaneously a reflection on how meaning gets made and how we come to believe in belief. The distance between reality and the articulation of reality should have a permanent space between them for our consideration. But rhetoric feels so much better when it eliminates that distance, making the apprehension of reality appear to be its revelation. We have to avoid this, no matter how comfortable it feels, for what comes next after the revelation of the real is the demand to obey it. There is no point to reconsidering what is true under this rubric.

Reality and its Apprehension

I wish I had more reading time. Time built into the system and schedule that was reserved for reading is what I mean. Of course I can make that time happen at the expense of other important things: administrative duties (debate), chatting with students, course prep, writing for the purpose of non-blog publication – all of which occupy a place of equal merit (except perhaps the last one where one labors most intensely to reach an audience of maybe 14 people in an academic journal).  

Reading’s importance has gained a lot more value in the current global political climate as most things you read work to create important political space for crafting resistance – the distance between reality and its certain articulation must always be kept high in order to avoid the mistakes that certainty brings with it. At the level of national or international politics these mistakes can be catastrophic.  

The articulation of reality receives its most thorough study in novels and these books that I don’t know what they are called, but I really like them, where an author carefully and diligently traces out in detail everything that surrounds a poem, a set of letters, a painting – something like that and connects the text to the context in the most complex and myriad ways, until it’s nearly impossible to see the subject matter as anything other than arising out of a multiplicity of various things, one next to another, all in vacillating states of importance but none expendable.  

The novel too works wonders by placing you in deep sympathy with one or two other people then giving you their point of view and allowing you to get it. You see why they decide what they decide and how their articulation of reality works. The novel allows us to put these articulations of reality next to one another, or even do mash ups and place an articulation in the position of a character that seems counterintuitive. Mikhail Bahktin talks about all of these features across his works, claiming the novel is an amazing thing due to the heteroglossia it allows to bubble up to the top. We get to see how disconnected and well connected our articulations of reality are to reality. This creates space where there might not be much. 

But today we value and talk to one another and teach and critique those who open such spaces, preferring instead the dominating discourses of logic, reason, and pseudo-rhetorics like statistics and economics. We praise those who can reduce our understanding of the world to numbers and percentages, who can aptly use metaphors from sports-as-entertainment to wipe away the muddiness of daily experience and make us feel comfortable. But we go to sleep on a hard slab that doesn’t quite give us the rest we need. We need some sort of space some give to our articulations so that we can create, be generative, and explore new ways of talking about the world. These new ways of articulating create new ways of being and seeing one another, after all what are we if we are not described well, and often, and in a way that accounts for the passing of the days? 

Reality and its articulation should be on everyone’s mind. Instead reality and getting it right is on everyone’s mind and we are ready to welcome catastrophe into our homes in order to get it right. If we can place getting it right as a long term goal and accept the idea of getting it, walking around in it, that would be great. Can we move political conversation out of the science lab and into the art museum? We need time to walk around, read the curators’ notes, stand in different places and look at what’s on the wall. Then we need time for a coffee and a friend to say “did you see what I saw?” We don’t get that in the science lab, even if the Good Liberals win the fight and prove to us that our lab is indeed in the basement of an evil pharmaceutical corporation.  The goal is not understanding, but being right in a way that has value for exchange; commodity rightness. Right as commodity.  

The importance of disrupting the ability to be right at all is essential for politics. We should lament politics as a space vastly different from corporate science or other discourses about discovering hidden rightness and then profiting off of it. Nobody should profit off of a good political conversation, we should all be left less willing to full-on defend a policy than we were at the beginning. Best of all abandoning rightness means that some policies never make it into the realm of consideration as policies simply because they are too firm.   

Reading frequently and reflecting on how and why the books we like are so good is simultaneously a reflection on how meaning gets made and how we come to believe in belief. The distance between reality and the articulation of reality should have a permanent space between them for our consideration. But rhetoric feels so much better when it eliminates that distance, making the apprehension of reality appear to be its revelation. We have to avoid this, no matter how comfortable it feels, for what comes next after the revelation of the real is the demand to obey it. There is no point to reconsidering what is true under this rubric.

Post Post-Fact

The clear mission for those who teach debate in 2017 is to reveal to all concerned listeners and students of all kinds not to fret; for the post fact era has not just been born. As an avid “birther” of the post fact era, I demand a birth certificate! Even then I might not be totally convinced of the birth of this time. Living among us, alive and happy for centuries, the news of post-fact’s recent birth have given it a lot of license as it occupies the very unhealthy and limited modes of speech the Good Liberals have adopted in the name of all left thinkers and intellectuals everywhere.

Post-fact is rhetoric’s realm, which explains why people are so profoundly uncomfortable with the number of discourses claiming to be true (very different term mind you) proliferating where good solid fact (good liberal term: “news”) should live. In fact, we are post-post-fact. We’ve been there and we are ready to talk about facts in a new way. From Zen Master Ming: “At first, I saw mountains as mountains and rivers as rivers. Then, I saw mountains were not mountains and rivers were not rivers. Finally, I see mountains again as mountains, and rivers again as rivers.” This is describing an epistemic shift. We’re past it. Why are we rushing back to something we don’t even trade in? We trade in how a fact is determined, not whether it is adhered to, whether it is right.  The metaphor that comes to mind is that of the cow-bird, a bird that lays its eggs in the nests of other songbirds, where the unaware mother feeds it, neglecting her own young. It’s a brilliant reproduction strategy, and by metaphor, a super brilliant strategy to circulate and become believable (remember one of the oldest rhetorical devices in the world is also the most basic of pedagogies: repetitio.)  The fact that the cow bird is not a blue jay does not help the blue jay mother solve her mortal dilemma. In fact, from her point of view, there is no dilemma; she’s being a good mom, whatever that means to a blue jay. Kenneth Burke: The birds never misinterpret the sign, they all fly away. Birds don’t have our interpretive troubles, and it seems Good Liberals want to eradicate that from humans as well. The fantasy of a communication-free politics pops out of many blog posts and tweets. “If only people would look at the facts,” says the person who teaches public speaking, un-ironically. It’s super weird to me. 

Instead of doubling-down on facts and hand-wringing, Good Liberals should join those who are on the left, intellectually, socially or what have you and double down on the intellectual project of recovering alternative modes of discourse for politics. This is going to be hard to do. The very problem we need to solve (bifurcated speech options with only one good path among two) is undermined by all of the alternatives that Good Liberals have come up with. In a spirited effort of debunking they have replaced religion with science, putting all of their devotion and faith into scientific epistemologies which will hopefully collapse any space of negotiation between reality and how we talk about that reality. Compare that to Aristotle’s idea that politics requires instruction in music, not the math of it but actual playing and singing and stuff like that (book 7 of the Politics) and you’ll see how different we are from the first scientist in this regard. This uncomfortably puts me in the position of admiring the fascists who have a real love for creative rhetoric and rolling my eyes at the Good Liberal rhetoric professors who talk about leading the charge for the left by giving quizzes on fallacy detection.  Rhetoricians bizarrely think that we should be collapsing the space for negotiation, argument, debate, naming, constituting, or whatever you want to call it. Winning this political fight will take things that require space for negotiation such as timing, harmony, disharmony, rhythm, tempo – all things from music which only really adopts the discourse of being a serious science when you pressure that one guy at Guitar Center to account for why he’s been working there for most of his life.

Ok so what do we do? What’s the strategy? We have to cultivate long-fallow fields in our political imagination in order to get them ready for argument farming. Here are some suggestions.

Opinion – much maligned opinion needs a jump start as an appropriate and necessary discourse to counter fact and alternative fact because it allows in relief to the discourse that accounts for life experience, materiality and the intersection of that with policy and principle, and all sorts of individual narrative and other things that are not only good but essential to take into account if you are trying to govern a state. Opinion, taught to most children as what you rely on when you haven’t been a good citizen and done your research (I think I might have described a lot of argumentation and public speaking classes here, but if the shoe fits. . .), is the largest missing element, it’s like trying to run engines without oil. Teaching people how to frame opinion in a world with facts and research and experts is a big first step. The reports of my death are exaggerations! shouts Opinion, who is immediately asked for an MLA style bibliography by the public speaking teacher. Not productive, and definitely helpful for the fascists. There has to be a more robust way to develop all of these modes of communication at once and together, as they should be, or people get the idea that citations are only for school assignments, not for national elections. 

Right is not Correct – the right way to do something must have valence, there has to be a way to talk about a right policy with it not being correct, as in the correct way to do something regardless of who is around, nor can it be right in the terms of lowest undesirable consequences, nor can it just be right as in the terms of morality. The discourse of rightness has to be combined with a robust and open constant communication of justice and the just, and how societies, cultures, and communities talk about and experience the notion of justice.

A Fact is Just another Discourse – this is where rhetoric has really dropped the ball, our total acquiescence of facts to every other field in existence.  Our particular take on facts could be many things, but what it shouldn’t be is deference to the facts determined by political science, sociology, the GAO, you name it – we need to account for the accounting, and let people know that locating a fact means a lot more than getting it from Google and citing it correctly (sounds like a course you know doesn’t it?).  Locating a fact is simultaneously locating the machinery in motion to allow us to identify that information as such, and the hidden tools that allow society to manipulate that information as such. Put a handle on something, it’s easy to carry – this is how facts work.  Facts also stop being facts at points where they cannot be recognized as such – so teaching people the craft of articulating recognition – much like a police sketch artist works – might be a valuable rhetorical art to develop. What this means is that from what you see, can you constitute a fact? Can we make that leap and treat it as such? Analogy: From what you saw, can we constitute a face? This might help us in locating the perp – I mean, the correct policy to endorse. Finally on this point, the idea that facts are conclusions is the most unhealthy thing we could teach people in how to talk to one another. Facts are starting places for discourse, they are not meant to end argument, but to continue argument. Facts should have gravitation to the point where they bend the discourse all around them. Not just tools to cut the mic wire or smash the TV – which is how a lot of debate, argument, and public speaking teachers instruct their students how to use them.  The selection of facts for a debate is a selection of epistemology. It’s a selection of how we know, talk, and judge, and so that choice should start a lot of discourse, not end a conversation about what we are supposed to do.

So there are three ideas, more to come as I reflect more on this. In the age of the fascist, we need to create more space for maneuver in political rhetoric, more chances to play our instruments, not less. Reduction of the space for negotiated naming and meaning only hurts the left, under the guise of helping the Good Liberals do their part for their conception of science-based-fact. We need to embrace the right’s introduction of the alternative fact, and say welcome to the party, I think we still have some beers left, we are so glad you came, let’s dance.

The End of Worlds, Part 2

A formally instituted external organization run by an executive director and a staff for WUDC could do a lot more than just allow council to be the visionaries and take the organization in new and exciting directions. It could also allow council to discuss deeply rules, regulations, and norms of competition.

But what else could a formal organization do for WUDC competition?

Provide Qualification Standards for the WUDC tournament

There should be some debate about whether Worlds is best as an open competition where anyone from the world can show up and compete, or if it is meant to be the capstone of the year, an event everyone agrees to attend in order to see who the best debate team is for that year. There are of course a number of combinations – it’s not an either/or – but for the purposes of this writing I’ll defend a very limited model of what this might look like.

Worlds is at maximum capacity with about 400 teams. Perhaps reducing the size of the tournament to a more manageable 200 teams would make the competition a bit more manageable. It would certainly open up the possibility of finding more potential hosts. These 200 teams would be selected by distributing the slots as bids to international debate organizations – the ones that Council already recognizes as the national representative body for that country. If there’s not an organization, this would be great motive for forming one. Alternatively, the slots could be distributed to the teams that break at competitions that are determined to be the most competitive in the world – Council could easily create a list of tournaments that regularly have correlation between teams that do well there and at Worlds.

It doesn’t have to be 200 teams either. Perhaps a more limited number are chosen that way, and other teams that want a chance to compete – and prove their competitiveness – through an application process. Some of the more unsavory elements of Worlds, such as the moments of drunken anarchy and teams not taking later rounds seriously or abandoning the tournament entirely – would be eliminated.

Institutionalize the run-up to Worlds

As the reason for WUDC to exist in any form, the annual tournament planning could punt a lot of responsibilities to debate clubs and organizations earlier in the year. With an office and a dedicated staff, things like ESL/EFL certification and judge ranking. There could even be a judge certification process done online that involved more than just taking a test, but participating in seminars and trainings throughout the year in order to keep up certification.

The motive for all of this normalization is because a formal organization of WUDC would encourage people to comply if they wanted to attend the tournament. Currently, quick fingers and an on-time payment are all that are required to attend – a low bar for a competition that ought to advertise itself as the premiere debating event in the world.

Normalizing Competitions

WUDC could set the norms for speech length, motion wordings, information/context slide length and content, POI number and length, extensions, counter-proposals – all that. It would be motivated because of the desire to prepare for WUDC, to have a strong application, or to break at the tournaments considered by the membership to be the most competitive. Events that do not normalize due to special considerations would be well attended as special events – variations on the new normal.

There would be other normalization considerations as well that are far more important: Tiebreakers, what a good CA does, what good tabbing looks like, verification of proof of eligibility, motion writing, and judging norms all become things that, by virtue of a limited and clear qualification system for WUDC, become things that can be better controlled.

There are some side benefits too. WUDC norms on the publicity of debates could be established: When and where should competitors expect to be recorded, livestreamed, broadcast? Could there be particular debates that are of interest to WUDC for promoting the annual tournament? Perhaps some could be used for training materials, accessible to the debate clubs that pay the annual membership fee. Perhaps they could be given to everyone who qualifies for the competition. They could be archived, added to a history of WUDC that could be examined by those interested in finding hard evidence of how an argument style came to life, went viral, and infected the entire community. Oral histories from all the winners of the WUDC, finalists, and significant chairs and judges could be recorded and made available. Such a collection could only be possible and fairly accessed through such an organization, one that has the influence of the most desirable annual debate event under its control.

All of this though is contingent on the idea that the Worlds is meant to find the best debate team of the year in BP. Other goals and objectives disrupt this narrative quite a bit – and for good reason. There’s no reason to support a diversity of debating styles or approaches if the point of Worlds is to see who is best at debating under the restrictions of the BP format. Normalizing that format, and limiting the qualifications for teams to participate seem like a great way to improve things. But whether we want the improved thing is also debatable.